Tuesday, March 17, 2015

"Food for the Gods: Link of Vodou to Haiti’s Agriculture, a Legacy of the Ancestors" by Dady Cherry

"Food for the Gods: Link of Vodou to Haiti’s Agriculture, a Legacy of the Ancestors" 
by Dady Cherry

 
Haitian religion and culture are so linked to local agriculture that Vodou ceremonies are routinely called manje lwa: food for the gods. Our lwa (gods, spirits, deities) must be fed. They are not eternal and can only exist so long as they continue to be summoned to participate in human affairs. In other words, their strength comes from ritual remembrance celebrations. During these feasts, the gods and their communities partake of local foods. The gods become empowered in direct proportion to the quantities and varieties of favorite foods that are offered to them, and the care that is put into their preparation and presentation. - See more at: http://newsjunkiepost.com/2015/03/17/food-for-the-gods-link-of-vodou-to-haitis-agriculture-a-legacy-of-the-ancestors/#sthash.zg3XL4P5.dpuf



Haitian religion and culture are so linked to local agriculture that Vodou ceremonies are routinely called manje lwa: food for the gods. Our lwa (gods, spirits, deities) must be fed. They are not eternal and can only exist so long as they continue to be summoned to participate in human affairs. In other words, their strength comes from ritual remembrance celebrations. During these feasts, the gods and their communities partake of local foods. The gods become empowered in direct proportion to the quantities and varieties of favorite foods that are offered to them, and the care that is put into their preparation and presentation.

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The spirits of Vodou are, for the most part, venerable ancestors. They are not worshipped but respected, loved, and sought after, mostly for advice, protection and blessings. To summon them requires certain formalities. One does not greet an important ancestor without at least cooking a chicken and throwing a party, not for him or her alone, but the entire neighborhood. The practices of Haitian Vodou represent religion, unadulterated, unappropriated and at its best: not an infantilizing force that habituates people to their prostration before a greater power, but a cultural force that anchors people in the lands and waters around them and furnishes them with the practices for a joyful, sustainable life.

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Vegetables aplenty

Westerners are so fascinated with the blood offered to Vodou gods, that many imagine the gods eat nothing but animals. I will not address here the hypocrisy of people who care nothing about how the beasts they eat have spent their lives, how they are slaughtered, whether they are thanked for their flesh, or if half of it winds up in a garbage receptacle. Instead I will first discuss the vegetarian foods routinely eaten by the Haitian lwa. Local fruits, vegetables, and the plants that produce them are essential to Vodou service in every respect. Plantains, rice and yuca among many others, are consumed by Vodou’s most venerable deities. Even Papa Legba, who guards the gateway between the spiritual and material worlds, needs these foods. He is the first spirit always to be called in any ceremony: the one who gives humans access to all the other spirits. If Legba is not empowered, no Vodou service can happen.

The tree of life – The gods of ancestral wisdom and knowledge, Danmbala Wèdo and his wife Ayida Wèdo, who are traditionally represented as a pair of serpents, favor the banana/plantain tree. In Vodou mythology, the banana is the tree of the first and greatest Vodou priest and priestess, and the serpent is thought to have fed on the fruit. The tree symbolizes eternal life because it is hemaphroditic and can grow continually from new shoots. The huge leaves are a conduit to Ginen: the Haitian slaves’ earthly paradise. In some ceremonies, such as the consecrations of drums or foods, the floor of the Vodou temple is covered with banana leaves, and symbolic actions are performed on them to represent the voyage of the objects or foods to Ginen for blessings. Interestingly, plantains were a major food for the slaves in colonial times; bananas and plantains are thought to have been the earliest fruit crops, originating in New Guinea around 8000 BC and reaching Africa by 3000 BC.

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Rice and beans – The great spirits Danmbala and Ayida Wèdo look favorably, not only on plantains, but also on offerings of rice, milk, eggs, and white pastries. Èzili Freda, goddess of love, beauty and art, is one of several other deities who enjoy white foods. She is fond of rice pudding, and she also likes sugar-sprinkled fried bananas, mangoes with white flesh, fried eggs, and milk flavored with cinnamon. Other deities who favor these foods include the water spirits, such as Lasirèn, the goddess of the ocean and music, and Agwe, the god of fishing and sailing. The Ogou family of gods, who preside over war, metallurgy, fire and lightning, are not particular to white foods, although they too eat rice; they take their rice cooked with red beans. In every case, the varieties of rice and beans favored by the gods are local.

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Corn and yuca – At Vodou services, corn is never far. For example, the sacred drawings, called veve, are usually made with corn flour. The priest or priestess sprinkles the flour in the appropriate pattern(s) for the god(s) being summoned, on the ground of the Vodou temple, which is a covered circular courtyard with a central post. The ritual offerings of foods are ultimately put on these drawings, which are thought to focus the energies to call forth the deities. Corn, grilled on the cob, is also a staple of Vodou celebrations, together with cassava and grilled peanuts. Such foods are typically arranged in small clusters on the veve, and they are often sprinked on ceremonial animals. Akasan, a corn-flour drink, is also often served at services.

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Yuca (yanm in Haitian kreyol, and the root from which cassava is made) is so important that it is central to a two-day harvest festival. This Vodou festival of thanksgiving, called Manje Yanm, happens around November 25-26. Manje Yanm commemorates the connection made by yuca between Africa, where it originated, and the New World; it also celebrates the Vodou god of agriculture, Zaka, usually affectionately called Kouzen Zaka (Cousin Zaka). On the first day of the festival, fresh yuca and other foods are harvested, consecrated, and offered to Zaka overnight. On the second day, the foods are cooked, the portion for Zaka is buried, and the rest is eaten in a feast that usually includes, in addition to yuca, plantains, rice and beans, avocado, corn, barley, and fish. Only then, with Zaka’s blessings, can the harvest continue.

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Animals
The great majority of the Vodou gods eat meats, although Kouzen Zaka mostly favors the fruits of the land, and Gran Bwa, the god of the forest and of herbal medicine, is partial to peanut cakes, bread, and cornmeal, and he appears to be vegan. Offerings of animals are quite dear for most Haitians. Furthermore, with regard to animal offerings, the gods are extremely particular. In every case, as part of the ceremony of sacrifice, the animals are offered food before their slaughter, and they are considered to become one with the person who called for the ceremony at the instant they accept this food. Moreover, at that moment, their life’s energy is accepted by the god being summoned, and so such animals are treated with great respect.


 

The animals to feed the gods include doves, chickens, roosters, pigs, goats, oxen, bulls, and fish. Everything is specified: from the age of the animal, its color and patterns, its treatment before it is killed, the prayers that precede the slaughter, the slaughter itself (including the consecration of the instrument used to kill the animal, and rapid and ritualized method of killing), the offering of the animal’s blood, entrails and uneaten parts to the god, to the final presentation of the meat as a cooked food. Consider for example, the case of Papa Legba. His vegetables must all be grilled on an open fire; his sacrificial animal, usually a rooster, must be killed and quartered without breaking any of its bones, prepared without removing its feet, except for the nails and spurs; and finally, all his foods must be served in a red calabash.


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Among the gods who like white foods, Agwe will accept white hens, white sheep, or white goats. On the other hand, Danmbala and Ayida Wèdo, who are snake gods, will not take sheep and goats but will accept white chickens; Èzili Freda prefers white doves. The Gede family of gods, who rule over death and sexuality favor black foods, including black chickens, black roosters, black goats, black cows, or salted herring, depending on the god. Bosou, the god of virility (of men and seeds) and violence, likes black pigs, as does Èzili Dantò, the goddess of fierce love and motherhood.



Black pigs also feature in the Manje Mò, a ritual feeding of the ancestors that takes place around the end of April. Typically, a stew is prepared, entirely by men and without salt, that contains corn, red beans, beef, and pigs’ feet. It is served to the dead, along with melons, grilled peanuts and corn on the cob, coconut, milk, rice, white cakes, soda and rum, in a room that is shut for several hours while prayers and appeals are said outside. Finally the head of the family knocks on the door and then enters; he returns with the foods, which are first offered to the four points of the compass and then the children, and the rest of the household. A portion is also put at a crossroad for Papa Legba.

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Drinks and gifts
Kleren (a Haitian partially distilled rhum), refined rhum, coffee, and carbonated sweet cola, all manufactured in Haiti, are the gods’ favorite drinks; tobacco, cigars, cigarettes, flowers, and locally made perfumes are among their favorite gifts.

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Implications of the loss of the creole pig and Haitian rice
It goes without saying that if a dove or rooster cannot be substituted for a chicken, or even a speckled hen for a white one, one cannot substitute an American farm chicken for a Haitian chicken in the service of the Haitian gods. Likewise, the Arkansas rice that has been forced on Haiti by Bill Clinton will not do as a substitute for the three varieties of vastly more delicious Haitian rice in the celebrations of major deities like Papa Legba, or Danmbala and Ayida Wèdo. Similarly, one cannot, in honoring one’s dead, or summoning Bosou or Èzili Dantò, substitute any pig, or even any little black pig, for the creole pig that had been adapted to the island for over 300 years and was eradicated by USAID in 1982. It is important to understand that any blow to Haitian agriculture, any attack on Haitian peasants, is potentially fatal to all Haitian culture and the integrity of Haiti as a nation. Such a blow constitutes no less than a declaration of war on all Haitians, whether they understand this or not.

 

I urge every Haitian to consider this: if it takes a lifetime to understand most religions, you owe it to yourself to study Vodou, for the simple reasons that it is important and an act of self respect, first and foremost, to understand one’s own culture. Some Westerners call Vodou devil worship, but even the more enlightened ones who label Vodou ancestor worship, polytheistic, pagan, animist, or a danced religion, understand it in much the same way that a child thinks it understands a living, breathing animal by saying “cow” when shown a two-dimensional drawing in a picture book. Vodou is all these things, but more than anything, it is the religion of the gods who incited and then fought alongside men in the world’s only successful slave revolt. It is a non-hierarchical, living and evolving religion that cannot be understood by association to known Western concepts. Our ancestors fully deserve to be regarded as deities for having established a new republic, with its culture and language, plus a religion to usher their revolution into a sustainable lifestyle: this, while two-thirds of these former slaves were still transplants from Africa. It is our duty to keep their spirits alive and forever sated and strong.

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Editor’s Notes: Paintings one and nine by Haitian artist and Vodou priest Gerard Fortune; photograph two by Stefan Krasowski.
- See more at: http://newsjunkiepost.com/2015/03/17/food-for-the-gods-link-of-vodou-to-haitis-agriculture-a-legacy-of-the-ancestors/#sthash.zg3XL4P5.dpuf


Haitian religion and culture are so linked to local agriculture that Vodou ceremonies are routinely called manje lwa: food for the gods. Our lwa (gods, spirits, deities) must be fed. They are not eternal and can only exist so long as they continue to be summoned to participate in human affairs. In other words, their strength comes from ritual remembrance celebrations. During these feasts, the gods and their communities partake of local foods. The gods become empowered in direct proportion to the quantities and varieties of favorite foods that are offered to them, and the care that is put into their preparation and presentation. - See more at: http://newsjunkiepost.com/2015/03/17/food-for-the-gods-link-of-vodou-to-haitis-agriculture-a-legacy-of-the-ancestors/#sthash.zg3XL4P5.dpuf
Haitian religion and culture are so linked to local agriculture that Vodou ceremonies are routinely called manje lwa: food for the gods. Our lwa (gods, spirits, deities) must be fed. They are not eternal and can only exist so long as they continue to be summoned to participate in human affairs. In other words, their strength comes from ritual remembrance celebrations. During these feasts, the gods and their communities partake of local foods. The gods become empowered in direct proportion to the quantities and varieties of favorite foods that are offered to them, and the care that is put into their preparation and presentation. - See more at: http://newsjunkiepost.com/2015/03/17/food-for-the-gods-link-of-vodou-to-haitis-agriculture-a-legacy-of-the-ancestors/#sthash.zg3XL4P5.dpuf

Monday, March 16, 2015

"Ask Forgiveness from Dessalines:” Debating Haitian Independence on the Eve of Occupation" by Brandon Byrd

"Ask Forgiveness from Dessalines:” Debating Haitian Independence on the Eve of Occupation"


William Pickens
William Pickens (1881-1954)
This is the third entry in a series on the centennial of the U.S. occupation of Haiti. The previous post can be found here.

1903 was a demanding year for Pierre Nord Alexis. After seizing the Haitian presidency in a coup, the octogenarian politician had to plan a grand party. Haiti would celebrate one hundred years of independence in 1904, an extraordinary feat given the attempts made by the United States and Western Europe to diminish Haitian sovereignty in the preceding decades. The commemoration of the Haitian Revolution and the subsequent efforts made to sustain its gains thus had to be remarkable. It had to be worthy of Toussaint Louverture, of Jean Jacques Dessalines.

Alexis established a National Association for the Centennial to ensure that it was. Among its other tasks, the Association staged a competition for the composition of a national anthem. The winner was La Dessalinienne. In January 1904, hundreds of thousands of celebrants flocked to the new Palais du Centenaire in Gonaïves while thousands of their compatriots heard the official introduction of the new anthem in Port-au-Prince. As the ode to the fathers of Haitian independence rang out among the descendants of former slaves, government authorities christened the Place des Héroes de l’Indépendence and unveiled monuments to the nation’s most cherished heroes including Louverture and Dessalines. Surely, the celebration organizers must have thought, these ancestors would be proud.
Others were not so certain. In particular, Rosalvo Bobo questioned why his compatriots were celebrating at a time when the corruption of the Haitian state threatened to undermine national progress. “Centennial of our freedom,” he scoffed.
 No. Centennial of blacks enslaving blacks. Centennial of our follies, of our turpitudes, and, amidst unceasing pretensions, of our systematic retrogression. Centennial of our fraternal hatreds, and of our triple weakness: moral, social, and political. Our Centennial amidst murders in our towns and countryside. Centennial of our vices, of our political crimes. Centennial of everything that could be most hateful inside the breast of men. Centennial of the ruin of a country by misery and filth. Centennial of humiliation and, perhaps, the definitive degradation of the black race, by its Haitian representatives.[1]
Bobo was severe in his critique. But he did not offer it without aim or purpose. The Haitian intellectual sought to recover the prosperity of the recent past, which was evidenced, in part, by the sizable contingents of Germans, Syrians, and other foreign businessmen who pursued commercial ties with Haitian elites and flocked to Haitian cities. His remarks, then, were a call for reform akin to the jeremiads that flourished among his African American contemporaries who demanded improvements in their communities or in the broader U.S. society. To that end, Bobo urged Haitians “to ask forgiveness from Dessalines, from Toussaint” and “work to emerge from the stupor of an entire century.” If they did, he promised that
1904 will not be a celebration of nothing at all, but the first year of the existence of a gathering of brave black people working modestly and with dignity to be a people. And the tiny republic of Haiti will be able to be a huge thing to all of Europe! And the old continent will be able to take notice, in the year 2004, of the first centennial of the GREAT FREEDOM of the HAITIAN PEOPLE![2]
Yale student William Pickens was less sanguine about the prospects of Haitian independence. In February 1903, the son of former slaves entered the annual “Ten Eyck Prize” oratorical competition at his university. His oration was about Haiti. Pickens first argued that Haiti commanded the attention of Americans because its history shed light “upon the much-mooted questions which involve the welfare of the whole southern section of our country.” He proceeded to elucidate his version of that history. Pickens asserted that the success of the Haitian Revolution was illusory. “With the gain of absolute independence,” he maintained, “the uncivilized horde gained the most efficient weapon of self-destruction” and “destroyed every trace and hope of internal civilization.” In Pickens’s reckoning, they relapsed “into a savagery and cannibalism comparable to any state of their African ancestry.”[3]

This was no call for internal reform. It was a plea for occupation. The future NAACP field secretary surmised that “the savage and the child to rise to higher things must feel the power of a stronger hand.” Haitians, in other words, needed to submit themselves to American civilization. In fact, Pickens assumed that U.S. policymakers were uniquely suited to undertake a benevolent intervention in Haiti because they were “schooled as no other in the problems of the negro race.” He insisted that Haitians would accrue numerous benefits from the proposed foreign intervention because “under American institutions the blacks as a race have reached the highest plane of civilization of which the negro’s history has record—a fact sometimes obscured by the remonstrance against injustice and oppression.” For Pickens, flattering influential whites and critiquing the purported failures of black self-government in Haiti thus became a convenient means of validating his own success while making a case for the inclusion of African Americans in U.S. politics and public life.[4]

To be sure, the shortcomings of this attempt to prove the “Americanness” of African Americans were apparent to some of his peers. John Edward Bruce was one of the countless Americans who learned of Pickens’s essay as it became the subject of newspaper headlines and gossip throughout the entire United States. He was less than pleased with it. In a column appearing in an April 1903 edition of The Colored American, the activist editor better known as Bruce Grit argued that the Yale student mistook “the temper of the Haitians” when he assumed that they “ought to submit to a benevolent assimilation.” The testimony of Haitians proved his point. Bruce quoted at length a Haitian resident of New York who was “greatly astonished” that an African American would vilify a country that had “maintained a Negro government . . . without the aid or consent of any outside nation” for a century. “I am very sorry,” the Haitian confidant told Bruce, “to see that Hayti is a subject of criticism even by the Negroes of this country, seeing that they have so much of their own trouble to mind.” How could a child of former slaves—a product of the Jim Crow South—not see that “in putting down our people he has equally spoken against the people of his own race in this country?”[5]

The salient question raised by Bruce and his Haitian friend was explicit. But their greatest concerns were more indirect. As the 58th United States Congress debated a resolution to annex Haiti, the two men expressed bewilderment over why Pickens would treat his subject with such callous indifference. How could he contribute to prevailing discourses about black inferiority? How could he not realize that white Americans were waiting for an excuse to take control of Haitian political, social, and economic life? How could he fail to see that U.S. imperialism in Haiti would have the same effect as Jim Crow in the United States? In sum, how could Pickens treat occupation as an academic question when it was a looming reality for those Haitians who foreigners disregarded as incapable of self-government?

Next month: “Ten Million Black People . . . are Watching:” Ambivalence at the Outset of the U.S. Occupation

[1] Rosalvo Bobo, À Propos de la Fête du Centenaire (1903).
[2] Ibid.
[3] William Pickens, “Hayti,” The Yale Literary Magazine 68, No.7 (April 1903): 234-235.
[4] Ibid., 236-238.
[5] John Edward Bruce, “Bruce Grit’s Melange,” The Colored American, April 18, 1903.

Friday, March 6, 2015

"Dominicans Are Not Haiti’s Enemies, Corruption and Occupation" by Dady Chery


"Dominicans Are Not Haiti’s Enemies, Corruption and Occupation" by Dady Chery 


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We love blood, don’t we? As if, by staring at our reflections in this viscous red liquid we might lose fear. We are horrified and entranced by the eviscerated child in Gaza, or the naked Haitian man sprawled out on some unknown street, a bullet in his head, his life dissipating into a puddle of his own blood: a macabre sort of pornography. Short of this, we will settle for a hanging that calls to mind the writhing movements of the victim whose wrists and ankles were bound when the noose was dropped over his head and yanked around his throat: especially if a video associates the lynching with a torched flag. Such emotion-laden images have the power, not to replace a thousand words, but to erase a million words of common sense and send normally reasonable people into paroxysms of blood letting. As Haiti begins to flirt with a conflict against the Dominican Republic (DR) that might incite a pogrom against Haitian immigrants and people of Haitian ancestry in the DR, we must ask who would benefit most from the bloodbath, try to imagine the mountains of shattered skulls and return our attention to those who are doing the most harm to both countries and indeed wish to depopulate them.

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Yes, Dominican hooligans will attack Haitians and burn our dear bicolored flag. They have done so from time immemorial. Curiously now, whenever they do, there is a camera at the ready and a nicely edited video to be immediately shared through social media. In retaliation, Haitian hooligans have presumably climbed to the top of the Dominican Consulate in Petion Ville to take down the Dominican flag and replace it with a Haitian one. Incredibly, they did all this while the normally trigger-happy Haitian paramilitary police (UDMO) made no move to stop, arrest, or even identify them. In Haiti and the DR there have also been peaceful marches and even dances of solidarity, but such measured steps can hardly keep time with the frenzied drums of war.

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Fire and splattered blood can dissimulate many things, especially the Felix Bautista embezzlement and money laundering case. Mr. Bautista, a DR senator and formerly a tailor of modest means, must explain the source of his sudden astronomical wealth to a court in a political climate that is hostile to his party (PLD, Partido de la Liberacion Dominicana) and close friend, former President Leonel Fernandez. There is absolutely no way this can be done without implicating former prime minister Laurent Lamothe, US-installed president Michel Martelly and possibly several other prominent Haitian politicians.

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Martelly, in particular, is alleged to have changed contracts that were to be granted to Haiti’s state construction company CNE (Centre National des Equipments) and instead granted over $350 million of no-bid reconstruction contracts to companies that Bautista created soon after he put away his sewing machine to become Director of the DR’s Supervisory Office of State Public Works (OISOE). For this, Martelly is alleged to have received over $2.5 million in kickbacks. Rumor has it that there is camera evidence of Martelly personally picking up his loot, hundreds of thousands at a time, from various Dominican banks.

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Here is how the con works: Venezuela sells oil to Haiti at 60 percent of the going rate, with the remaining 40 percent being payable over 25 years at one-percent interest. The Haitian state sells the oil at market prices and does as it wishes with the profits, but all the loan, every drop of sweat to pay it with interest during the next 25 years, is to be wrung from the labor of poor Haitians. In effect, Venezuela hands a Clinton-picked occupation president a pile of oil to turn into money. This is the essence of the Petro Caribe deal, started not by Martelly but by Rene Preval’s administration, which might also be dirty. Documents gathered by Nuria Piera, an investigative journalist in the DR, allege that some of the oil profits were paid to Bautista’s companies in reconstruction contracts by Martelly who, in return got a cut of them, in cool cash. Piera’s investigation also alleges that Bautista and his companies did not pay their taxes to the DR government.


The case was brought to court in 2012 but did not stick while Bautista’s buddy, Leonel Fernandez, was president. Now the Bautista defense’s main arguments are that, as a senator, he enjoys immunity and further, that he has previously been tried and absolved for the same charges. In a major blow, the investigative judge has already ruled that Bautista might enjoy immunity from jail but not from being judged. Nuria Piera for her part, has moved on to investigate other scandals in Dominican life, such as the rashes being suffered by people who drink water near the areas being mined for gold by the Canadian company, Barrick. Earlier in 2015, simultaneously with Haitians, on the eastern side of Hispaniola, Dominican students were protesting, workers were on strike, and in general the population was in an uproar about government corruption. Dominicans and Haitians are not each other’s enemies but the enemies of their corrupt governments.

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Consider this: who has killed the most Haitians in the last few years? Surely not Dominicans, but the Haitian regime. Every spring that has preceded a request for renewal of the United Nations mission (MINUSTAH) in Haiti has become hunting season. Year after year, starting at carnival time, major Haitian activists with a potential to become presidential or parliamentary candidates have fallen from the bullets of never-identified and never-captured men on motorcycles. Even if we discount these assassinations, should we forget the spectacular death of Judge Jean-Serge Joseph, who had been investigating alleged financial crimes by Martelly’s wife and son, and who claimed before he died, that he had been poisoned. Should we forget how horribly Judge Joseph died merely because he was not lynched and had instead hemorrhaged inside his brain?


The Haitian flag that the Dominican hooligans burned was probably made in China. Or are we no longer able to regard our inability to manufacture our own flag as being equivalent to burning it? Who has appropriated Haitian lands for their tourism projects? Who has disgraced the Haitian Constitution and stomped on the flag for the last 10 years”? Surely not a group of drunken and lewd Dominicans but, rather, a gang of greedy Haitians in our own government. Every year for a decade, Haitian presidents and prime ministers have appeared at the United Nations to invite the international community to rule Haiti for yet another year because, presumably, we, citizens of the world’s first black republic, cannot govern ourselves. Nothing: not the gang rapes, not the murders, not the child prostitution, not even the cholera introduced by the so-called peacekeepers, have induced the Haitian regimes to say “no” to the United Nations. The regime of the last four years has decreed that the mayors should be gone, and the judges, and the departmental officials. Now the parliament is gone too. Only they remain: the supreme leaders who have held no elections but dutifully organized, every year, a Carnaval des Fleurs to celebrate the US invasion of Haiti on July 28, 1915. To amuse the international community and admiring females, they jump up and down and thump on their chests. Could any actions by Dominicans humiliate us more than this?

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The Haitian regime and the Dominican PLD party have every interest to fan the flames of animosity between Haitians and Dominicans as a distraction from their financial crimes. On March 27, 2015, an investigative judge in the DR will decide whether there is sufficient evidence for the case against Bautista to go forward. All Haitians who have ever agitated to rid the country of its foreign occupation should be thrilled to let the chips fall where they may. Let us hope that the case will go to trial, and that Martelly and Lamothe will be dragged to the DR to testify and, later, to be criminally prosecuted. Hopefully they will wind up making an extended stay in the prisons there. If so, the day they go, Haitians and Dominicans should throw a special island-wide carnival to celebrate the return of life and incarceration of the dealers of death.

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Editor’s Notes: Photographs one and three by Zoriah; two by Stack Attack; four, five, six and seven from the archive of Remolacha Oficial.
- See more at: http://newsjunkiepost.com/2015/03/04/dominicans-are-not-haitis-enemies-corruption-and-occupation-are/#sthash.YSyy1c7q.dpuf